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File: 1417338040823.jpg (88.95 KB, 800x501, 800:501, north_korea_s_mass_games_4….JPG)

 No.1485

>CHAPTER V. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS Article 74.
>Copyright, inventions and patents shall be protected by law.
>CHAPTER V. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS Article 78.
>Marriage and the family shall be protected by the State.
>The State pays great attention to consolidating the family, the basic unit of social life.
The words speak for themselves.

>CHAPTER V. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS Article 67.

>Citizens are guaranteed freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, demonstration and association.
>CHAPTER V. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS Article 75.
>Citizens have freedom of residence and travel.
If a law is just for show, why even put it up? I mean, making legal exceptions to a rule within the Constitution is one thing, but having the law, and not following it through makes it simply an unnecessary rule. It also creates a dialectical contradiction between the law and the reality, making a "revolution" or "counter-revolution" all the closer.

>CHAPTER V. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS Article 83.

>Work is the noble duty and honour of a citizen.
>Citizens shall willingly and conscientiously participate in work and strictly observe labour discipline and the working hours.
Telling people that what they're doing is by their own choice, and telling them they have to do it means it isn't much of a choice, now is it?

>CHAPTER V. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS Article 66.

>A person who has been disenfranchised by a Court decision and a person legally certified insane do not have the right to elect or to be elected.
Who decides on whether a person is legallly certified insane? This can easily be abused by those in power to silence political opponents.

>CHAPTER VI. STATE ORGAN SECTION 1. THE SUPREME PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY Article 99.

>Deputies to the Supreme People’s Assembly are guaranteed inviolability. >No deputy to the Supreme People’s Assembly can be arrested or punished without the consent of the Supreme People’s Assembly or, when it is not in session, without the consent of its Presidium, unless he is caught in action.
Unnecessary granting of privileges to those that do not need it is a signifier of bourgeois deviation.

>CHAPTER II. THE ECONOMY Article 37.

>The State shall encourage institutions, enterprises and organizations in our country to joint ventures and cooperation of enterprise with foreign corporations and individuals as well as the establishment and operation of a variety of enterprise in special economic zones.
>CHAPTER I POLITICS ARTICLE 10.
>The State shall revolutionize all the members of society, and assimilate them to the working class by intensifying the ideological revolution, and shall turn the whole of society into a collective, united in a comradely way.
The ruling party of North Korea advocates for the creation of "special economic zones" funded by foreign bourgeois compradors and "foreign corporations." These "special economic zones" are vaguely reminiscent of the 'special economic zones' of mainland China, created as a precursor by Deng Xiaoping to capitalist restoration.
In the previous sentence, the Constitution stresses the peasant-worker alliance, but the next statement advocates the "revolutionization" and "assimili[zation]" of "all members of society," including not just the national bourgeoisie, but the comprador bourgeoisie as well, into associating themselves to the working class through the "intensification" of propaganda, and not through economical liquidation via class struggle. In other words, the WP of North Korea advocates for class collaborationism.

http://web.archive.org/web/20090709013626/http://www.kcckp.net/en/great/constitution.php
(image is of the Mass Games)

 No.1495

File: 1417344178127.jpg (915.9 KB, 1920x1080, 16:9, kim jong il firecrackers.jpg)

Most of the stuff in the DPRK Constitution was found in the constitutions of the USSR, PRC, and all that.

>If a law is just for show, why even put it up? I mean, making legal exceptions to a rule within the Constitution is one thing, but having the law, and not following it through makes it simply an unnecessary rule. It also creates a dialectical contradiction between the law and the reality, making a "revolution" or "counter-revolution" all the closer.

Obviously the definition of freedom and speech and whatnot differ from definitions used in the West.

>Telling people that what they're doing is by their own choice, and telling them they have to do it means it isn't much of a choice, now is it?

Each society imposes obligations upon its members. Labor (at least in theory, if not in the DPRK) is quite obviously "the noble duty and honour of a citizen" in any society ruled by the working-class. It is the basis on which a future communist society is built. The whole point is that the labor is no longer forced to work on behalf of the capitalist who exploits him, but instead works for all of society of which he is a part. He therefore should have a direct interest in working for the betterment of said society, rather than working merely because he'll starve to death if he says no to his capitalist employers.

"Special economic zones" in the DPRK have been around for decades now, they've never really gotten off the ground. Lenin's policy of state-capitalism as a transition to socialism never really got off the ground either, but I don't think if it was successful that it would somehow make the Soviet Union a capitalist country.

The national bourgeoisie haven't existed in the DPRK in any significant numbers (if at all) since the 1950s. The compradore bourgeoisie linked up with Japanese colonial rule was pretty much obliterated economically and/or physically in the 40s.

 No.1496

Why the anti-DPRK shilling recently?

It's socialist. I think this is really just another attempt to discredit every real attempt at socialism and leave Marxists blind and directionless.

 No.1497

>>1495

>CHAPTER II. THE ECONOMY Article 24

>The State shall protect private property and guarantee the right to inherit it by law.
How the fuck did I edit this out? I swear, the thing I was so outraged by, I accidentally removed. It was supposed to put as the first thing, right behind Article 74 and 78. Damn, now I look like a fucking right-deviationist fuckwit. These small boxes and weird colors make it difficult to properly write shit.

>Obviously the definition of freedom and speech and whatnot differ from definitions used in the West.

Yup, but I still don't like it. I mean, we should 'get rid' of counter-revolutionary dissent by any means necessary. But we shouldn't stoop so low as to guarantee non-existent political freedoms. If we kill a man, we should scream to the world that we killed him, and be proud of it. None of that secret crap.

>The compradore bourgeoisie linked up with Japanese colonial rule was pretty much obliterated economically and/or physically in the 40s

I'll have to admit a mistake. I misused the word. I was thinking of the people who manage multinational corporations. (I'm still new to this communism thing, and my dialectics are shit. I need to read more socialist theory)

“a Democratic People’s Republic . . . must be built by forming a democratic united front . . . which embraces . . . even the national capitalists with a national conscience.”
Kim Il Sung, “On the Building of New Korea and the National United Front: Speech to the Responsible Functionaries of the Provincial Party Committees”, 13-10-1945, in Kim Il Sung, Works, vol 1, Pyongyang, 1980, pp. 298.

“from the beginning our policy with regard to the national capitalists was not only to carry out the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal, democratic revolution with them, but also to take them along with us to a socialist, communist society.”

Kim Il Sung, “Let Us Further Strengthen the Socialist System of Our Country: Speech Made at the First Session of the Fifth Supreme People’s Assembly of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea”, 25-12-1972, in Kim Il Sung, Works, vol. 27, Pyongyang, 1986, p.484

>Why the anti-DPRK shilling recently?

hoxhaists think DPRK is revisionist

>It's socialist. I think this is really just another attempt to discredit every real attempt at socialism and leave Marxists blind and directionless.

“Marxism was a revolutionary doctrine which represented the era when the working class had emerged in the historical arena and was waging a struggle against capital. . . . But the times have changed and history has developed, so Marxism has acquired inevitable historical limitations. . . .
Ultimately, Marxism failed to provide a proper explanation concerning the building of a socialist and communist society by continuing the revolution after the establishment of the socialist system. Historically, Marxism is an idea and theory dealing with the requirements of the initial stage of the socialist cause.”
Kim Jong Il, On Carrying Forward the Juche Idea, Pyongyang, 1995
“The theory of socialism in the preceding age . . . did not regard the social and historical movement as a movement of the motive force, as a movement which begins and develops on the initiative and through the role of the popular masses, its motive force, but as a natural historical process which changes and develops due to material and economic factors. . . .
In socialist society, the transformation of man, his ideological remoulding, becomes a more important and primary task than that of creating the material and economic conditions of socialism. . . .
In the past, the founders of Marxism evolved socialist theory by putting the main stress on material and economic conditions. . . .
Marxism defined man’s essential quality as the ensemble of social relations. . . . the definition of man’s essential quality as the sum total of social relations does not provide a comprehensive elucidation of man’s own essential qualities. . . . The history of social development is, in the long run, the history of the development of man’s independence, creativity and consciousness.”
Kim Jong Il, Socialism is a Science, Pyongyang
(Juche is utopian deviation)

 No.1500

File: 1417378716174.jpg (129.96 KB, 800x533, 800:533, kim jong il flowers.jpg)

>>1497
>Yup, but I still don't like it. I mean, we should 'get rid' of counter-revolutionary dissent by any means necessary. But we shouldn't stoop so low as to guarantee non-existent political freedoms. If we kill a man, we should scream to the world that we killed him, and be proud of it. None of that secret crap.
But as for non-antagonistic classes and strata (workers, cooperativist peasantry, the new intelligentsia) they should have the freedom to criticize inefficiency, bureaucracy, flawed policies, etc. That's what freedom of speech signifies. It obviously doesn't mean "freedom to spread racist propaganda" or something.

>I was thinking of the people who manage multinational corporations.

In that case no one in the DPRK manages or ever managed multinational corporations. The national bourgeoisie in the north was always weak and, as I said, basically disappeared by the 50s. Enlisting capitalists to work for the newborn society isn't some Kim innovation, Lenin also talked about it.

 No.1504

>>1500
>In that case no one in the DPRK manages or ever managed multinational corporations. The national bourgeoisie in the north was always weak and, as I said, basically disappeared by the 50s. Enlisting capitalists to work for the newborn society isn't some Kim innovation, Lenin also talked about it.
>"Special economic zones" in the DPRK have been around for decades now, they've never really gotten off the ground. Lenin's policy of state-capitalism as a transition to socialism never really got off the ground either, but I don't think if it was successful that it would somehow make the Soviet Union a capitalist country.
I wasn't referring to the national bourgeoisie of DPRK as own multinationals, I was referring to the DPRK collaborating with Russian and East Asian imperialists.
Lenin never spoke of "enlisting capitalists to work for the newborn society," he spoke of tactical alliances against common enemies to obtain similar goals, as in the case of bourgeois-democratic revolution as a necessary precursor to obtain the material and social conditions of capitalism in order to create the foundations of a socialist society. These temporary alliances, when they have fulfilled their purpose, should be then broken, as the inherent class antagonisms between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie would render such alliances counter-revolutionary to any genuine revolutionary vanguard. There is no speech of the temporariness of such alliances, and Democratic Korean propaganda seems to insinuate the permanency of their capitalist developmental programs. Perhaps Bukharin, and definitely Khrushchev, spoke of such rightist nonsense, but not Lenin.
Special Economic Zones in the DPRK have only started in the early 1990s, around the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union, and because of DPRK's strong ties with the revisionists of China, China is pushing North Korea to create more, and DPRK's propaganda doesn't seem to be complaining about it. Stalin and Mao argued that, if not combated, a rising bourgeois caste from within the Party will usurp power and restore capitalism, case and point, revisionist China. The Workers' Party has done little to curtail this, and at times seem to suggest that class antagonisms can be simply resolved through state propaganda, and not through class struggle.

>But as for non-antagonistic classes and strata (workers, cooperativist peasantry, the new intelligentsia) they should have the freedom to criticize inefficiency, bureaucracy, flawed policies, etc. That's what freedom of speech signifies. It obviously doesn't mean "freedom to spread racist propaganda" or something.

I agree, but the DPRK contains no such clause in their constitution stating such things. They do have exceptions when it comes to religion, but not to the suppression of "freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, demonstration and association."

>>1496
>I think this is really just another attempt to discredit every real attempt at socialism and leave Marxists blind and directionless
Well I criticize North Korea, but nonetheless, any reasonable Marxist would still critically support DPRK to a certain extent, at least from a "fuck you USA" standpoint. Lenin was harshly critical of his contemporaries, but still called them "comrade." Can't a communist still give support without solidarity?
Besides, North Korea is too economically disparaged to be the leading vanguard of any international movement.

 No.1505

File: 1417413001121.jpg (215.65 KB, 800x543, 800:543, KJI_1.jpg)

>>1504
>Lenin never spoke of "enlisting capitalists to work for the newborn society,"
Yes he did, various times.

Here's one example not taken from his writings, by a very sympathetic American who was in Petrograd during the Revolution and who talked with Lenin on various occasions:

"American technicians, engineers and administrators Lenin particularly held in high esteem. He wanted five thousand of them, he wanted them at once, and was ready to pay them the highest salaries…

America was so far away. It did not offer a direct threat to the life of Soviet Russia. And it did offer the goods and experts that Soviet Russia needed. 'Why is it not then to the mutual interest of the two countries to make a special agreement?' asked Lenin.

But is it possible for a communistic state to deal with a capitalistic state? Can the two forms live side by side? These questions were put to Lenin by Naudeau.

'Why not?' said Lenin. 'We want technicians, scientists and the various products of industry, and it is clear that we by ourselves are incapable of developing the immense resources of the country. Under the circumstances, though it may be unpleasant for us, we must admit that our principles, which hold in Russia, must, beyond our frontiers, give place to political agreements. We very sincerely propose to pay interest on our foreign loans, and in default of cash we will pay them in grain, oil, and all sorts of raw materials in which we are rich.

'We have decided to grant concessions of forests and mines to citizens of the Entente powers, always on the condition that the essential principles of the Russian Soviets are to be respected. Furthermore it will even consent—not cheerfully, it is true, but with resignation—to the cession of some territory of the old Empire of Russia to certain Entente powers. We know that the English, Japanese and American capitalists very much desire such concessions…

'This state property is ceded for a certain time, probably eighty years, and with the right of redemption… It does not at all correspond to our ideal, and we must say that this question has raised some very lively controversies in Soviet journals. But we have decided to accept that which the epoch of transition renders necessary.'"

>I agree, but the DPRK contains no such clause in their constitution stating such things.

Neither did any commie constitution from 1918 onwards.

 No.1512

File: 1417498218575.png (119.49 KB, 789x1012, 789:1012, smash_capitalism_by_party9….png)

>>1505
As I said earlier, what Lenin and Stalin both advocated for was temporary alliances in order to advance similar goals. Throughout the interview you quoted from, Lenin mentions that their concessions were necessary for the period of transition between state-capitalism to socialism. He even states that this transition would last around 8 years. This, added with the fact that interview happened in 1919, when it seems to communists worldwide, especially the bolsheviks, thought that the revolution that began in Russia would spark a fire of World Revolution throughout Europe, and then the rest of the world. But this revolutionary wave was crushed in Germany by an alliance of reformist-revisionists with the reactionaries, meaning the necessary capital that the bolsheviks simply assumed would flood into Russia did not happen. With this, the Communist Party created the NEP (with Bukharin as the NEP's strongest supporter), and after the NEP, Stalin invited western venture capitalists to obtain the necessary capital in order to forge the necessary foundations. Of course, the Russian Communist Party framed these concessions as a necessary step back, always stating their regret in doing so. But, reading Naenara.com.kp and korea-dpr.com, and other NPRK websites, the victory of socialism is the victory of "all the people" in economic advancement, rather than of the supremacy of the toiling masses over toppling the bourgeoisie, and viewing their statements towards western capitalists and in foreign capital being invested into North Korea, there is no mention of "regret", and there are little to no remarks on "temporariness" or "transition," but on the contrary, WPK's state journal of economics states that they wish to "push[] forward in the DPRK to set up economic development zone (EDZ) in every province of the country." North Korean websites, when speaking of Juche, make several references, in the accordance of the forging and maintain a national identity, to several "revolutions," that of technological, ideological, and cultural (ignoring completely that ideology is simply an inescapable facet of culture), but there is little reference to the struggle of classes, to Kim-Il Sung, the socialist revolution is purely an economic one. In fact the Juche ideology insinuates the Utopian idealism that if man simply united together and willed it to be, that if we simply indoctrinate the bourgeoisie rather than liquidating them, we would have communism.

http://www.naenara.com.kp/en/trade/?news+3
http://www.naenara.com.kp/en/great/guid.php
https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1919/mar/guardian.htm

 No.1516

>>1512

I'm not an expert on the subject but it seems to me that those economic zones were a manifestation of the capitalist roader faction of the party. It seems like with Jang Song Thaek dead and the purges, the tide of the two-line struggle has recently shifted back to the side of the socialist roaders. What do you think?



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