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File: 1419128740841.jpg (108.1 KB, 242x350, 121:175, Friedrich-Engels[1].jpg)

 No.1730

Friendly reminder that if you support the EZLN, Che Guevara, and all those who care about "preserving indigenous culture and communities", you are a reactionary.

From Friedrich Engels' "The Magyar Struggle" (January 1849):

>... the Austrian Germans and the Magyars will gain their freedom and take a bloody revenge on the Slav barbarians. The general war which will then break out will scatter this Slav Sonderbund, and annihilate all these small pig-headed nations even to their very names. The next world war will not only cause reactionary classes and dynasties to disappear from the face of the earth, but also entire reactionary peoples. And that too is an advance

 No.1731

File: 1419129609733.jpg (57.26 KB, 552x450, 92:75, Hoxha022.jpg)

I'm pretty sure "preserving indigenous cultures and communities" wasn't something Che was interested in in particular.

The EZLN arose in reaction to the discriminatory policies of the Mexican state towards indigenous communities. They do not want to abolish all examples of modern civilization in their areas and try to create some primitive communal utopia.

Engels in his article was pointing out the reactionary nature of Pan-Slavism, which was used to buttress the oppression of the Hungarians, Poles and other nations whose own national struggles were carried out under the banner of bourgeois revolution, as opposed to the preservation of feudal relations.

Using your logic the creation of soviet republics and whatnot for the many nations and peoples of the USSR (literally "preserving indigenous culture and communities") was a supremely reactionary act. In reality, however, it was precisely through such policies that the backward nations and peoples overcame feudal and pre-feudal conditions and could partake in a socialist system.

 No.1733

>>1731
My point of contention is, why (in the case of the EZLN), even try to defend the natives from said discrimination? In the case of the Hungarians/Magyars attempting to break from the Hapsburg dynasty's empire, they were a national people who had established sophisticated economics and social relationships (bourgeois-democratic in this case). There was no extra effort needed along the lines of, "Okay, let's end the Austrian imperial hold over us, then advance materially as a nation." The national struggle and the bourgeois revolution were one and the same in their case; Hungarian sovereignty would have brought with it parliamentary-capitalism automatically.

However, these indigenous communities in Mexico are at the butt end of that country's heterogenous levels of development. The general mestizo domination of the natives involves an oppressor that is more materially advanced than the oppressed. So you have a dual task of attempting to kickstart the natives to a proletarian-socialist societal mode, while modifying their traditions and customs (already behind that of the general Mexican populace) to catchup with the new societal mode. It would really follow the Marxist course to stir up revolutionary fervor among the Mexicans in total than for the EZLN to tailor itself towards the indigenous communities.

Which then brings me to the point of Che, whose anti-imperialist struggle among the lowly developed Congolese and rural Bolivians was similarly entwined with oppressed groups further from the brink of proletarian revolution than those subduing them.

I can understand the soviet republics, because in that case the revolutionary Russian state was bearing down on the feudal institutions of the central Asian peoples. However, Che's units and the EZLN were/are not a state entity capable of challenging imperialist countries/the Mexican state, respectively, by their own historical vitality. They were/are embedded in their constituents (so to speak) societies, and attempted/are attempting to revolutionize them. I've already illustrated my problem with this.

 No.1735

File: 1419134305050.jpg (146.63 KB, 392x598, 196:299, Hoxha fist 02.jpg)

>>1733
>why (in the case of the EZLN), even try to defend the natives from said discrimination?
Same reason communists defend the rights of women or address the specific issues facing students, farmers, etc. It doesn't mean that you subordinate everything to a specific section of society to the exclusion of everything else, of course.

>It would really follow the Marxist course to stir up revolutionary fervor among the Mexicans in total than for the EZLN to tailor itself towards the indigenous communities.

This is true. The emancipation of the indigenous population in Mexico can only really be bound up with the emancipation of all the workers and peasants in that country. But the problems facing the indigenous are real, not just in the areas they inhabit but as laborers throughout the country.

>Which then brings me to the point of Che, whose anti-imperialist struggle among the lowly developed Congolese and rural Bolivians was similarly entwined with oppressed groups further from the brink of proletarian revolution than those subduing them.

In the Congo the peasantry made up (and still makes up) a large majority of the population. Most of the working-class at that time still identified with peasant life and customs. The issue was of carrying out a democratic, anti-imperialist revolution which would grow over into a socialist revolution. This is different from Mexico where the revolution will almost certainly begin as a socialist one.

The problem Che faced was his fundamentally anti-Marxist "foco" views, which substituted a bunch of "heroic" guerrilla fighters for a conscious vanguard.

 No.1738

>>1735

Firstly, let me thank you for carrying on with me considerately. I've been on a number of left-oriented forums, subreddits, boards etc., and I'm sure you can imagine what my typical experience has been like. I'm glad that 8chan's /marx/ has befitted the scientific socialist demeanor. So again thank you, and you're quite the Hoxha fan I see!

Now,

>Same reason communists defend the rights of women or address the specific issues facing students, farmers, etc. It doesn't mean that you subordinate everything to a specific section of society to the exclusion of everything else, of course.


Sure, and it's one thing to manage and upgrade the culture once a socialist state has been erected. But Lenin did not launch the October Revolution from what is today Uzbekistan while decrying Russian imperialism. He and the Reds seized the governmental administration of Russia itself, thereby inheriting the power to dictate the terms of the various nations' equality between each other, and the culture within each nation.

That is not the same with Che & the EZLN.

>But the problems facing the indigenous are real, not just in the areas they inhabit but as laborers throughout the country.


It's not about how grave the plight of the indigenous folk are. It's about how using them as the launchpad of a revolution is strategically bankrupt. On top of that, while I can trust that the EZLN amongst themselves may have a broader proletarian revolution in mind, I strongly have to speculate as to whether the natives they're defending are taking this as anything more than a reactionary defense of their "way of life".

>This is different from Mexico where the revolution will almost certainly begin as a socialist one.


Well not if it were to begin with these indegnous folk (if one even could begin with them). Pardon me if I'm strongly mistaken, and in such case I will eat my words, but I can't imagine that the village peoples the EZLN are defending are too distinguishable from Che's charity cases in Bolivia and the Congo.

 No.1740

File: 1419141366838.jpg (47.97 KB, 301x357, 43:51, Hoxha boat.jpg)

>>1738
Yeah I don't think any actual Marxist can take issue with this post of yours. At first I just thought your views were that indigenous people can go to hell, but that's not the case. It is indeed true that the idea of an indigenous revolution in Mexico separate from revolution in the rest of the country is a wrongheaded one.

 No.1742

File: 1419141744265.jpg (273.25 KB, 1000x1327, 1000:1327, enver_hoxha_poster_1968.jpg)

As an aside, a guy I know is actually going to send me a Soviet book from the 70s on how the peoples of the north (Soviet equivalent to Eskimos and whatnot) carried out the October Revolution in their own localities and were integrated into broader Soviet society in the ensuing decades. I'll scan it as soon as I get it. Another book I scanned on this subject: https://archive.org/details/SovietButNotRussian

 No.1745

File: 1419144189239.jpg (50.71 KB, 524x380, 131:95, pKyNk[1].jpg)

>>1742
Cool stuff!

>>1740
I suppose I do have a bit of a belligerent attitude towards indigenous folk. Clearly I'm not a supporter of the globalist/neocolonial order going on in the 21st century, but it's more because I see that order as being an appendage of contemporary mature capitalism, not because I really have any urge to liberate people in the developing world or minorities in the developed world.

Harkening back to the Engels quote in the OP, we can find a good number of instances throughout human history when societies, cultures, races, ethnicities, religions, and so on, where obliterated rapidly or snuffed out gradually as the gears of material progress turned on.

If people in the Third World or minorities are scratched out of the picture in similar manner, or if the turmoil of proletarian revolution somehow brings about the destruction of such peoples, well, what can we do?

>The next world war will not only cause reactionary classes and dynasties to disappear from the face of the earth, but also entire reactionary peoples. And that too is an advance.


So in the end, though I do not seek domination over any oppressed group or society in the capitalist manner, I accept that the progression of capitalism to its final end may very well destroy multitudes of people slowly.

Hell, think about the Andamanese islanders. A people who had lived on their little isolated islands for apparently tens of thousands of years, yet never managed to learn how to start a campfire. They would instead preserve embers. Are we really going to bend over backwards to bring them into the future, or accommodate their little society, as we foster the long awaited Socialist World Republic?

Now if the evolution of globalism and late-stage capitalism ends up eradicating these islanders; let us say that perhaps pollution would make their food collection impossible, or the islands get developed into seaside resorts and the islanders are killed off in some protracted insurgency...I mean, oh well.

So I really did mean in my OP, Fuck Indigenous and Extremely Undeveloped Peoples

 No.1746

File: 1419145193875.jpg (79.35 KB, 547x624, 547:624, Hoxha03.jpg)

>Hell, think about the Andamanese islanders. A people who had lived on their little isolated islands for apparently tens of thousands of years, yet never managed to learn how to start a campfire. They would instead preserve embers. Are we really going to bend over backwards to bring them into the future, or accommodate their little society, as we foster the long awaited Socialist World Republic?
The outright tribal or primitive-communal peoples can be peacefully integrated into the much larger socialist society, I don't think it'd be an issue.

Pretty much every peasant society nowadays (except the aforementioned totally isolated peoples) is integrated into capitalism via producing for export and whatnot, so that's a different matter, but a few hundred tribesmen who have no inkling of a developed class society or truly private property aren't going to be a threat to anything.

 No.1747

>>1745

The point of Marxism is empowerment of the masses. Not applauding when capitalism makes "reactionary" peasants, tribals, etc. suffer. I think this is the same type of incorrect logic used by third worldists and Trots, labeling some non-bourgeois class (which of course differs according to the flavor of revisionism) as "inherently reactionary" and thinking they are a counterrevolutionary force. Did Lenin think the peasants should be killed off to pave the way for proletarian society? No, he wanted to convert peasants into proletarians. And both the Bolsheviks and the Chinese communists managed to make the peasants into a revolutionary force. Marx and Lenin would be rolling in their graves if they could read your dreck.

 No.1768

File: 1420004618286.jpg (88.4 KB, 640x480, 4:3, hungary_communist.jpg)

>>1747
>The point of Marxism is empowerment of the masses

No. It is the heralding of a materially advanced societal and, supposedly, historically inevitable societal arrangement. That this arrangement, communism, just so happens to be an ultra-egalitarian one is a feature of secondary import. This is what distinguishes Marxism as a "scientific socialism" as opposed to a "utopian socialism"; a Marxist is not a hippy saying "Hey man, shouldn't we like, you know, be nice to each other and stuff?" The aspiration puts material before ethics, not the other way around.

> Not applauding when capitalism makes "reactionary" peasants, tribals, etc.

>labeling some non-bourgeois class (which of course differs according to the flavor of revisionism) as "inherently reactionary" and thinking they are a counterrevolutionary force

Regarding your quotation marks, they're reactionary if their socio-economics are behind that of the status quo in developed countries. Now this does not make them counterrevolutionaries right off the bat, but it does mean that they are at risk of serious misery upon the arrival of capitalism (in this day and age, this would probably be through the phenomenon we call globalism).

As Marxists, we believe that the proletarian-socialist revolution will burst out from decadent capitalism as its own prerogatives become materially masochistic (the profit motive running at loggerheads with the replacement of human labor by machine capital, and the drying up of surplus value, as described in Das Kapital).

We do not look for every oppressed person and support him/her against the oppressor. We look for those whose struggle necessarily foreshadows a more materially advanced world. In this pursuit, there are, sometimes, oppressors who are move favorable to us than those they oppress.

>No, he wanted to convert peasants into proletarians. And both the Bolsheviks and the Chinese communists managed to make the peasants into a revolutionary force.


And it's one thing for a vanguard party, master of a territory and people that have already a socialist state instituted among them, to decide how to spread revolution. But, as (probably) young people still mostly concerned with the sustainance of own lives, we do ourselves no favors by complaining about what some indigenous, Third World or minority people are going through at the expense of the world capitalist structure. If the arguement is, "X's way of life is being annihilated, Y literally won't survive these changes, etc.", then that may very well mean that X and Y's existence is, for whatever reason, inimical to our revolutionary aim: shortening and, making as easy as possible, the transition between the final decadence of capitalism and the socialist state.

>Marx and Lenin would be rolling in their graves if they could read your dreck


By my dreck, you of course mean quotations from Engels. How much did Marx lament the destruction of the Native American? Andrew Carnegie brought us closer to communism than Sitting Bull ever did.

 No.1769

>>1768

Mechanical materialism, dogmatism, revisionism, and social chauvinism all in one post. Study more comrade.

 No.1770

File: 1420045083529.png (382.64 KB, 382x596, 191:298, Hungarian-Christmas-Postca….png)

>>1769
Always do fellow worker, always do

 No.1774

File: 1420274557686.jpg (47.87 KB, 638x552, 319:276, 1450879_1587812594773313_5….jpg)


 No.1776

File: 1420322980014.jpg (127.95 KB, 504x656, 63:82, feuerba2.jpg)

>>1774
Get material, man

 No.1782

But yeah, you can't expend energy on behalf of indigenous and Third World folks and call yourself a Marxist.

 No.1783

File: 1420416449814.jpg (514.77 KB, 832x975, 64:75, Hoxhaaaaaa.jpg)

>>1782
Well I mean there's a big difference between "tribe in the Amazon basically untouched by human contact trying to preserve its traditional way of life" and workers in Kenya or Mali (or Bangladesh, Bolivia...) or something protesting against imperialism and the local bourgeoisie.

 No.1785

>>1783
The thing is, even imperialism has a role to play in human progress. As Marx argued in the manifesto, the international order which Marxists pine for is being setup by capitalism and its methods of spreading (free trade, imperialism, globalism). People taking on the red banner virtually always wind up supporting some initiative for local control or fair trade, or basically a meeker capitalism that existed prior to said imperialism. The Marxist initiative is about taking advantage of things like imperialism and playing out their core nature, not undoing them.

The way I see it, historical-material progress doesn't happen in a hospital, but in a blast furnace

 No.1786

File: 1420420923632.jpg (364.54 KB, 925x652, 925:652, Enver Hoxha loves you all.jpg)

>>1785
"It is the revisionists who have long been asserting that colonial policy is progressive, that it implants capitalism and that therefore it is senseless to 'accuse it of greed and cruelty', for 'without these qualities' capitalism is 'hamstrung'.

It would be quixotism and whining if Social-Democrats were to tell the workers that there could be salvation somewhere apart from the development of capitalism, not through the development of capitalism. But we do not say this. We say: capital devours you, will devour the Persians, will devour everyone and go on devouring until you overthrow it. That is the truth. And we do not forget to add: except through the growth of capitalism there is no guarantee of victory over it...

Resistance to colonial policy and international plunder by means of organising the proletariat, by means of defending freedom for the proletarian struggle, does not retard the development of capitalism but accelerates it, forcing it to resort to more civilised, technically higher methods of capitalism. There is capitalism and capitalism. There is Black-Hundred-Octobrist capitalism and Narodnik ('realistic, democratic', full of 'activity') capitalism. The more we expose capitalism before the workers for its 'greed and cruelty', the more difficult is it for capitalism of the first order to persist, the more surely is it bound to pass into capitalism of the second order. And this just suits us, this just suits the proletariat."
(V.I. Lenin. Collected Works Vol 34. Moscow: Progress Publishers. 1977. pp. 438-439.)

 No.1788

File: 1420430906806.jpg (62.09 KB, 513x309, 171:103, Friedrich-Engels-Quotes-3.jpg)

>>1786

>The next world war will not only cause reactionary classes and dynasties to disappear from the face of the earth, but also entire reactionary peoples. And that too is an advance


- Friedrich Engels, "The Magyar Struggle" Neue Rheinische Zeitung, No. 194, January 13, 1849.

Seems to me that Lenin is the real revisionist here

 No.1790

>>1788

Source on the quote in that pic?

 No.1792

File: 1420489027536.jpg (15.2 KB, 282x400, 141:200, xotza-ml.jpg)

>>1788
I already gave the context to Engels' quote in the very first reply: "Engels in his article was pointing out the reactionary nature of Pan-Slavism, which was used to buttress the oppression of the Hungarians, Poles and other nations whose own national struggles were carried out under the banner of bourgeois revolution, as opposed to the preservation of feudal relations."

Keep in mind that quote is from 1849, and it's significant because a year earlier Marx and Engels also wrote that the Mexican-American War was basically progressive because it would supposedly advance the productive forces of Mexico. Such a view of theirs was modified in subsequent decades, since that war was in fact waged with the goal of extending the archaic slave system *against* capitalist development. At the time they evidently saw the conflict as between the "progressive American nation" and the "reactionary Mexican/Spanish nation" (the former representing capitalism, the latter feudalism), rather than a more careful analysis they were able to undertake in subsequent decades.

That is why those who bandy about "The Magyar Struggle" would in fact struggle to find Marx and Engels using similar language two or three decades later.

As for Lenin, he struggled against the opportunism and revisionism of the Second International, many of whose exponents defended colonialism. Marxists such as Lenin knew that while introducing capitalist relations of production the colonizers were at the same time retarding the development of the indigenous economies, propping up tribal and feudal politics and culture, etc.

By struggling against colonialism and for national independence, the colonies were also struggling for economic development. That's why there was a distinction between the national bourgeoisie (in a sense oppressed by colonialism) and the compradore bourgeoisie (whose economic destiny was linked to the colonizers.)

 No.1794

File: 1420517946660.jpg (14.74 KB, 200x328, 25:41, engels1.jpg)

>>1792
>>1792
Yes, we discussed the revolutionary potential of undeveloped peoples maligned by globalism and came to agreement on that. You and I, however, didn't really get into whether capitalism's effect on these peoples was itself good or bad, and I see now just how different of a matter that is.

The truth is that while I can agree with the Leninist break with the Second International on pretty much all other aspects, it is the item regarding imeprialism that I cannot see eye-to-eye with, and I do ground in orthodox Marxist thought, as I'll show.

Firstly, Marx and Engels' apparaisal of America's progressive nature at the time of the war with Mexico turned out to be correct, given that two decades later slavery was gone and America was promising to overtake the British Empire in economic size. And, as many people who demonize the Confederacy like to point out, slavery in the Old South was not the slavery of Athens or Rome or the rest of Antiquity. The Southern antebellum plantations could effectively be considered a sort of proto-agribusiness. Compare this to Mexico, which nominally was capitalist, but perhaps a century or two behind the British Agricultural Revolution once you got outside of the cities. So if you are correct that Marx and Engels changed their perspectives, well I guess that's unfortunate.

Now it is true that the various imperial powers did play favorites and support elites in the backward power structures of the lands they lorded over. But I believe this is the classic difference between base and superstructure; while the politics in the colonies may have been stagnant, their economies were maturing as they became part of a transcontinental material supply and product delivery line.

The idea of a native bourgeoise element being bolstered to fight imperialism by a socialist state does not seem progressive from that aspect and indeed, "The Magyar Struggle" allows for this perspective:

>There is no country in Europe which does not have in some corner or other one or several ruined fragments of peoples, the remnant of a former population that was suppressed and held in bondage by the nation which later became the main vehicle of historical development. These relics of a nation mercilessly trampled under foot in the course of history, as Hegel says, these residual fragments of peoples always become fanatical standard-bearers of counter-revolution and remain so until their complete extirpation or loss of their national character, just as their whole existence in general is itself a protest against a great historical revolution.


>Such, in Scotland, are the Gaels, the supporters of the Stuarts from 1640 to 1745.


>Such, in France, are the Bretons, the supporters of the Bourbons from 1792 to 1800


>Such, in Spain, are the Basques, the supporters of Don Carlos.


>Such, in Austria, are the pan-Slavist Southern Slavs, who are nothing but the residual fragment of peoples, resulting from an extremely confused thousand years of development. That this residual fragment, which is likewise extremely confused, sees its salvation only in a reversal of the whole European movement, which in its view ought to go not from west to east, but from east to west, and that for it the instrument of liberation and the bond of unity is the Russian knout — that is the most natural thing in the world.


>Already before 1848, therefore, the Southern Slavs had clearly shown their reactionary character. The year 1848 brought it fully into the light of day.


So actually, Pan-Slavism was not reactionary because it sought to preserve feudal relations. Pan-Slavism sought to preserve feudal relations because it was reactionary.

And I say the same thing for any people in the Third World.

 No.1795

File: 1420566131966.jpg (105.49 KB, 363x552, 121:184, Hoxha 1948.jpg)

>>1794
>

Firstly, Marx and Engels' apparaisal of America's progressive nature at the time of the war with Mexico turned out to be correct, given that two decades later slavery was gone and America was promising to overtake the British Empire in economic size.
The Mexican-American War was still waged to extend slavery, just as the slave states supported plans to take over Nicaragua and Cuba so that the American slave system could be expanded in those places (and thus serve as a counterweight to the growth of the non-slave states in the rest of the USA.)

The victory of the USA in the Mexican-American War didn't actually advance the productive forces of Mexico, and there's no reason to think if the USA had managed to outright annex the entirety of Mexico that it would promote balanced economic development. Most likely Mexico would remain a backwater (more so than IRL since the national bourgeoisie represented by Benito Juárez and others wouldn't come to power) supplying cheap labor and commodities to American companies.

>The Southern antebellum plantations could effectively be considered a sort of proto-agribusiness.

I don't see how. Industrial methods and slavery don't mix, the slave system became a fetter on the South's economic development.

>But I believe this is the classic difference between base and superstructure; while the politics in the colonies may have been stagnant, their economies were maturing as they became part of a transcontinental material supply and product delivery line.

In this case the superstructure (tribal chieftains, religious figures, etc.) was able to survive as long as it did precisely because imperialism encouraged uneven economic development in the colonies. Many workers in industrial areas had only a seasonal presence, otherwise returning to their villages to grow stuff the other half of the year. Peasants who weren't just working on their plots of land for subsistence purposes were now selling some of their produce to capitalists (which generally involved a tiny class of African middle-men), but that's far from an example of the development of the productive forces.

>So actually, Pan-Slavism was not reactionary because it sought to preserve feudal relations. Pan-Slavism sought to preserve feudal relations because it was reactionary.

Base determines superstructure. It was reactionary because it sought to preserve feudal relations.

Engels mentioned the Basques as one example. It is indeed correct that in that portion of Spain economic development was backward even in comparison with the rest of the country, and the blatantly reactionary Carlist movement drew much of its support from Basque areas. Yet in time leftist politics and trade-unionism appeared, and the continued appeal of Carlist politics existed only insofar as the Spanish feudal and bourgeois forces continued to keep that region in backwardness, to discriminate against the Basque nation, and as the power of the Church and foreign companies continued to dominate the Basque areas.

That in itself is a major problem with conflating peoples and nations too closely with modes of production: it overlooks the fact that capitalist development in fact creates the conditions for self-determination to actually be articulated as a slogan by an incipient national bourgeoisie, intelligentsia and working-class. I think you would agree that to say that the Gaels (aka Scots) and Basques are "reactionary nations" in 2014 or in the past hundred years is a bit silly.

 No.1797

>>1795
Let me begin, comrade, with saying that if at any point this back and forth is tiresome, we can call it quits. I don't mean to come across as a contrarian shit who will insist he's right to the end. Rather it, is because I truly do hope that with each post I am managing to reveal a bit more of my mode of thought.

I described the cotton plantations of the South as proto-agribusiness with emphasis on the proto. While slavery would have been an inferior way to staff the manufacturing enterprises of the North, it was needed to erect agricultural enterprises as large as the plantations in the South. The more rural South did not a wretched urban underclass dying in filth that could be made to work long and hard for pitiful wage. In the South, it was far easier to be a smallholder, or artisan, or backwoods dweller, or bandit, and so on. To staff the plantations (and provide so much raw material for the texile industries) using free labor would have been the inferior societal relation from the material perspective.

What slavery allowed for was for one cotton lord to command up to several hundred slaves , with their overseers, in the churning out of bevies of cotton. Remember that slavery became more prominent AFTER the invention of the cotton gin; that is, technological innovation encouraged an allegedly archaic labor system. What was important was the ability of the plantation lords to employ a precursor to what Karl Marx described in the Communist Manifesto as "establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture."

Now still, the US' accomplishment of abolishing slavery a generation after the Mdexican-American war, and becoming the world's largest economy a half generation after that, tells us of the wisdom behind Marx and Engels' original appraisal: that America had a more sophisticated material base with the better potential for more progressive social-relations (true capitalism as opposed to the nominal capitalism I described with Mexico). And the territory ceded to the US in that war were incorporated into that base.

Now yes, a full blown annexation of Mexico would have probably relegated it to a backwater even more than historical Mexican-American relations have allowed for. But I don't believe that balanced economic development (which you seem to think is key) is the big sign of progress it's been made out to be.

Surely when the Industrial Revolution was annihilating the cottage industries and turning vast swathes of independent and self-sufficient families into millions of starving and diseased proletariat, that was not immediate material progress for them. Yet no Marxist would argue against the idea that fantastic progress was made when the factories went up. For even though it harmed more individuals than it helped, the Industrial Revolution provided for a sweeping and intricate organization of the populace towards greater productive feats.

To have maintained the many millions of smallholders would have not only incurred a slower pace of wealth accumulation and techonlogical invention, but it would have inhibited the construction of mature economic entities and networks. That is the third great achievement of capitalism: the marshaling of titanic productive infrastructure, material and social.

 No.1798

>>1797
That is why imperialism and now globalism had/has had (respectively) its progressive role to play. Just as the subjugation of the smallholders to industry was a boon to the countries as a whole in which that subjugation occurred, so has imperialism and globalism been a boon to the world as a whole, even if the Third World can be seen as only a victim. It has certainly skewed the accumulation of wealth and access to technological innovation to the First World. But it has also erected transcontinental productive infrastructures both material and social in nature.

That is the take away. Yes capitalism exploits. It exploits between people who see each other everyday, and it exploits between peoples a planet apart. So every improvement it makes will entail the traits of exploitation. But every mode of societal relations from the dawn of history to the present day has exploited in its own unique way. That does not detract from the contribution each system has made, and how each system did its part to make eventual socialism possible.

Finally,

>Base determines superstructure. It was reactionary because it sought to preserve feudal relations.


Yet the excerpt from Engels indicates the opposite. The Pan-Slavists were "fanatical standard-bearers of counter-revolution" specifically because they were a "residual fragment of peoples" seeking to become relevant again. And Engels outlined just how foolhardy and convulted their strategy for doing so was: supporting the Hapsburgs against the Hungarians, the former of whom were allies-in-reaction of the Russian Empire, which was Slavic, so the one Slavic power in Europe could enhance its geopolitical standing against the West and.....??????.....that will make all the different Slavs once again sovereign and equal.

Now interestingly, a residual fragment of peoples is described as being held in bondage and being suppressed by another people that goes on to progress materially (and then socially). The support by a residual fragment of peoples for a reactionary cause comes from their desire to become independent from a sophisticated oppressor. So this is how the seeming contradiction with base > superstructure is resolved. Support for overt countrrrevolutionary activity is not directly derived from the undeveloped base. Rather, the undeveloped base at the bottom of a power relationship with a developed master base will develop a superstructure that is reactionary in its attempt to liberate itself.

Just as the aspiration for liberation of the Slavic people under the Hungarian thumb lead to the success and life-extension of feudal relations in central Europe, so did anti-imperialist and so do anti-globalist movements revolt against progress by undermining the erection of mature transcontinental productive infrastructure.

 No.1802

File: 1420785206272.jpg (220.6 KB, 405x677, 405:677, Hoxha in 1949.jpg)

>>1797
>Let me begin, comrade, with saying that if at any point this back and forth is tiresome, we can call it quits.
I don't mind. If I take a day or two to reply it's because I'm a tad busy and aim to scann a bunch of books from the 1930s-50s in the next few days.

Your newest comments about slavery seem sound. It is of course clear that American slavery, although destined to serve as a fetter on capitalist production, was still closely associated with said production and a great boon to it in earlier periods.

>But I don't believe that balanced economic development (which you seem to think is key) is the big sign of progress it's been made out to be.

Can you give an example of why you think that? It seems a bit odd to emphasize the development of the productive forces to the degree that you do and yet criticize calls for balanced economic development within and between countries.

>Surely when the Industrial Revolution was....

The issue here is that, again, in places where colonialism and imperialism reigned, the fruits of the Industrial Revolution were far less apparent even after 100+ years than compared to its outbreak in England, France, and the rest of Europe. The development of an African bourgeoisie was intentionally undermined, few former colonies in Africa started off formal independence with a sizable working-class, and the most prominent advocates of economic development were a thin layer of the intelligentsia on one hand and the nascent petty-bourgeoisie (with ambitions towards becoming a national bourgeoisie) on the other.

At present Africa's working-class is (inevitably) growing, especially as West and East seek to increase investments in it as the next great spot for dirt-cheap labor after Africa, but the fact is that this growth is still far slower than would otherwise be the case under socialism in which the resources of countries like the Congo or Nigeria could actually be used for the benefit of national economic development.

 No.1803

File: 1420785650018.jpg (105.56 KB, 309x586, 309:586, Lenin Hoxha.jpg)

>The Pan-Slavists were "fanatical standard-bearers of counter-revolution" specifically because they were a "residual fragment of peoples" seeking to become relevant again.
Doesn't really seem to contradict what I said. That they were residual is because they remained economically backwards and their consolidation into nations was thus retarded.

It's also worth noting just how quickly Engels modified his views. From basically consigning all Southern Slavs to the status of a "reactionary people" in 1849 he was differentiating them by 1853. For example, in the context of the Ottoman Empire, "The South-Slavonians, on the contrary, are, in the inland districts of the country, the exclusive representatives of civilization. They do not yet form a nation, but they have a powerful and comparatively enlightened nucleus of nationality in Servia. The Servians have a history, a literature of their own. They owe their present internal independence to an eleven years' struggle, carried on valiantly against superior numbers... the more Servia and Servian nationality has consolidated itself, the more has the direct influence of Russia on the Turkish Slavonians [i.e. Slavs under Ottoman rule] been thrown into the background; for Servia, in order to maintain its distinct position as a Christian State, has been obliged to borrow from the West of Europe its political institutions, its schools, its scientific knowledge, its industrial appliances; and thus is explained the anamoly, that, in spite of Russian protection, Servia, ever since her emancipation, has formed a constitutional monarchy." (M&E Collected Works Vol. 12, pp. 34-35.)

He then concludes that the Serbs would not tolerate a Russian military occupation with the imposition of its own version of feudalism, and thus the solution would be sought in a union of Southern Slavs in a Christian state liberated from Turkish rule.

>Rather, the undeveloped base at the bottom of a power relationship with a developed master base will develop a superstructure that is reactionary in its attempt to liberate itself.

This isn't necessarily true. Peasants of course will resent the image of modernity brought to them by capitalism and will futilely struggle against it, but as I said before peoples and nations do eventually develop working-classes, intelligentsias, a petty-bourgeoisie, and in some cases even a bourgeoisie. These elements of society could (and when possible did) give direction to peasant uprisings, orienting them towards general bourgeois-democratic or socialist aims.

>so did anti-imperialist and so do anti-globalist movements revolt against progress by undermining the erection of mature transcontinental productive infrastructure.

As I said, capitalism nowadays is overall a fetter on economic development. A working-class in Africa is slowly emerging, but the economies of African countries (and while we're at it of Latin American, Middle Eastern, and various Asian countries as well) will continue to be badly distorted and not at all develop on the same basis as how capitalist development occurred in Europe in the 18th and 19th Centuries.

In the era of imperialism there is no reason why anti-imperialist struggles in those areas cannot be bound up with socialist struggles.

 No.1804

>>1768
>We look for those whose struggle necessarily foreshadows a more materially advanced world. In this pursuit, there are, sometimes, oppressors who are move favorable to us than those they oppress.

So Marxists should support Israel over Palestine?

 No.1807

>>1802
>Can you give an example of why you think that? It seems a bit odd to emphasize the development of the productive forces to the degree that you do and yet criticize calls for balanced economic development within and between countries.

My example was provided when I brought in the destruction of early-modern petty bourgeoise society by the Industrial Revolution in favor of mid-modern haute bourgeoise society in Europe and the pancontinental Anglosphere. This transformation not only happened parallel to, but specifically happened because of, unbalanced development within industries and between free enterprises. Imperialism and globalism is the repetition of this process on a grander scale. The material progress fostered by capitalism operates entirely by this asymmetric and ultimately exploitative agenda: by allowing for a handful of enterprises (and on the global scale, peoples) to become highly profitable and encourage investment for further logistical expansion and technological innovation (and necessarily, kickbacks for the elites).

>The development of an African bourgeoisie was intentionally undermined, few former colonies in Africa started off formal independence with a sizable working-class, and the most prominent advocates of economic development were a thin layer of the intelligentsia on one hand and the nascent petty-bourgeoisie (with ambitions towards becoming a national bourgeoisie) on the other.


So does the spread of franchised outlets belonging to Wal-Mart, McDonalds and Lowes do damage to the smaller capitalists in a locality, or the availability of the Internet benefit entities like Amazon and iTunes malign local bookstores and music stores. Capitalism's role in history is to marshal a broad expanse of materials, labor and capital to produce sophisticated goods and services that are then disseminated across markets even broader in scope than the territories and peoples from which the inputs were drawn from. Crucial to material progress is the consolidation of the world's bases, even if the immediate effect is geoss inequality and even stagnation for some/many within the larger resultant base.

The anti-imperialist and anti-globalist struggles are attempts by forces within undeveloped superstructures to resist the development of their bases (even if this development begins and survives for awhile as global inclusion without regional/national vitalization). It pushes back against the metastasizing global base, originating from the cultural West, in favor of allowing the smaller Third World bases to nurture less expansive and sophisticated infrastructure because the smaller bases will immediately experience a better return on this development (because the powers of exploitation exist within them rather than abroad). This is what you said here:

>but the fact is that this growth is still far slower than would otherwise be the case under socialism in which the resources of countries like the Congo or Nigeria could actually be used for the benefit of national economic development.

 No.1808

>>1807

and leads to my next point. A revolutionary's role is not to give the oppressed a more livable capitalist experience. The ending of exploitation will occur during socialism, which follows once capitalism has run its course. As capitalism hurtles towards its own suicide, it is forming a global economic base entailing material and social infrastructure capable of the highest productive feats. As it concludes erecting this base, Marx's original thought holds that it will be eradicating the extraction of surplus value; its very own incentives for investment and growth, even the profit motive itself. Capitalism will no longer be able to operate on a normal daily basis. It will feature only privation and injustice, without the productivity and adavncement will earlier justified it.

Then socialism can take hold. Socialism's destiny is to foster just access and control over this global and advanced infrastructure which capitalism will have perfected. To bend a knee to anti-imperialist and anti-globalist intitiatives is simply to impede capitalism's erection of this edifice, in order to further a task which is cannot be adequetely completed during capitalism, only under socialism.

This is why the anti-imperialists and anti-globalists are comparable to the pan-Slavists of old; they act to inhibit the mechanics of material growth for a cause that runs against the grain of history. The cause originates from the superstructure to then retard the incorporation of their base into a better global machine (the construction of which is in progress via imperialism/globalism), so that they can hopefully enjoy a more immediate vitalization yielded from their immature bases.

>>1804
I suppose, but the conflict between those two doesn't have that much in the way of global material advancement at stake. It's just another little Middle Eastern squabble: lots of blood and gore over little potential headway.

 No.1817

File: 1421489666087.jpg (428.27 KB, 660x1024, 165:256, 2756734442_81b2528ca7_b.jpg)

Hello again. With 8chan being down for a bit and me focusing on scanning books it's been a few days since I replied.

As for your first three paragraphs, the point I was making is that while capitalism does represent an obvious advance of the productive forces over feudal and pre-feudal economies, it does not actually engender economic development in colonized and neo-colonial regions except in a highly distorted form.

The root of your analysis seems to consist of a deterministic view of Marxism wherein capitalism still has to "run its course" even in the epoch of imperialism. You note that capitalism eventually becomes a fetter on the further development of the productive forces, but you can't see that it already *is* a fetter on them, especially in the third world.

Capitalism already exists across the world, and the imperialist states have fostered backwardness (including the defense of elements of feudalism) in places where they can extract superprofits.

>This is why the anti-imperialists and anti-globalists are comparable to the pan-Slavists of old

One obvious problem with this statement is that the forces of supporting Pan-Slavism in the 1840s and the forces supporting anti-imperialism nowadays (and since WWII) are far different. To return to Africa for an example, although the European colonizers faced stiff resistance from many tribal chieftains, by the 1940s and 50s tribalism became a key prop used by the colonialists. The national bourgeoisie often denounced the influence of tribal chieftains, who when forced into the modern political arena almost invariably comprised the right-wing of the independence movement, and sought to march from colonialism into neo-colonialism.

Anti-imperialist movements led by the national bourgeoisie or by the working-class (the latter especially so as it is the most consistent) can hardly be compared to feudal forces which, under the banner of loyalty to the Tsar, sought to attack other national movements headed by bourgeois democrats.

 No.1825

>>1808

>A revolutionary's role is not to give the oppressed a more livable capitalist experience.


That may not be the primary goal of the revolutionary, but the pre-revolutionary struggle and organization of the working class within capitalism: unions, soviets, etc. is a vital element of the revolution as a whole. It will make the revolution easier, smoother, and less bloody. You aren't thinking dialectically because you aren't correclty thinking of the contradictions between the economic-material world and the sociocultural world, ie. the world in the minds of the people. They both develop together and one influences the other. But it doesn't happen 'automatically', humans actually have to exchange ideas about socialism and organize in order to be able to then go the extra step and reformat the economic-material world. The way I see it, if we don't try to make conditions more livable under capitalism, and just support the bourgeoise ideology until the end, we may have global socialism in about 200-300 years, after 1 billion related deaths. If we organize the people and teach them to struggle against the bourgeoise at every stage, maybe it will be 150 years and 200 million deaths. Something like that.

 No.1827

>>1817
>it does not actually engender economic development in colonized and neo-colonial regions except in a highly distorted form.
>but you can't see that it already *is* a fetter on them, especially in the third world.

I've addressed this already, that the anti-imperialist employs tunnel vision:

>My example was provided when I brought in the destruction of early-modern petty bourgeoise society by the Industrial Revolution in favor of mid-modern haute bourgeoise society in Europe and the pancontinental Anglosphere. This transformation not only happened parallel to, but specifically happened because of, unbalanced development within industries and between free enterprises. Imperialism and globalism is the repetition of this process on a grander scale. The material progress fostered by capitalism operates entirely by this asymmetric and ultimately exploitative agenda: by allowing for a handful of enterprises (and on the global scale, peoples) to become highly profitable and encourage investment for further logistical expansion and technological innovation (and necessarily, kickbacks for the elites).


>So does the spread of franchised outlets belonging to Wal-Mart, McDonalds and Lowes do damage to the smaller capitalists in a locality, or the availability of the Internet benefit entities like Amazon and iTunes malign local bookstores and music stores. Capitalism's role in history is to marshal a broad expanse of materials, labor and capital to produce sophisticated goods and services that are then disseminated across markets even broader in scope than the territories and peoples from which the inputs were drawn from. Crucial to material progress is the consolidation of the world's bases, even if the immediate effect is geoss inequality and even stagnation for some/many within the larger resultant base.


>The anti-imperialist and anti-globalist struggles are attempts by forces within undeveloped superstructures to resist the development of their bases (even if this development begins and survives for awhile as global inclusion without regional/national vitalization). It pushes back against the metastasizing global base, originating from the cultural West, in favor of allowing the smaller Third World bases to nurture less expansive and sophisticated infrastructure because the smaller bases will immediately experience a better return on this development (because the powers of exploitation exist within them rather than abroad).


And I understand the difference between the national bourgeoisie of the Third World vs. the Tsarist collaborators on the Hungarian Revolution, which you outlined. However, it is the similarity I made out above which I hold to be important, not the difference. And where in the original works by Marx and Engels is it indicated that capitalism can be left behind prior to the evaporation of surplus value?

 No.1896

File: 1422560301630.jpg (351.33 KB, 929x677, 929:677, Hoxha 1974.jpg)

>And where in the original works by Marx and Engels is it indicated that capitalism can be left behind prior to the evaporation of surplus value?
I don't know what you mean by "evaporation." Surplus-value is a fundamental aspect of exploitative society.

You haven't really addressed anything I wrote beyond just assuming that the development of capitalism in places like Africa will just be a carbon-copy of the Industrial Revolution, when it obviously hasn't been.

As an aside, this is a useful work (its occasional attacks on "marxist-leninist dogmatism" and counterpoising Marx to Engels aside): http://ouleft.org/wp-content/uploads/Anderson_Marx_at_the_Margins.pdf

 No.2835

File: 1440093806519.jpg (56.1 KB, 400x268, 100:67, 6.1-B28a.jpg)

>>1896

>I don't know what you mean by "evaporation." Surplus-value is a fundamental aspect of exploitative society.

And Marxist economics dictate that the progressive replacement of human labor by machine capital (in the pursuit of a midterm comparative advantage on the part of the business) progressively reduces the amount of surplus value which can be extracted during business operation. Capitalism ends when profit margins have shrunk to the point where it is no longer worthwhile to invest money in a commercial enterprise rather than simply sit on the wealth, or place it into increasingly abstract financial games. Capitalism evaporating its own pool of surplus value is what kills it; nothing else can

>You haven't really addressed anything I wrote beyond just assuming that the development of capitalism in places like Africa will just be a carbon-copy of the Industrial Revolution, when it obviously hasn't been.

This is a cop-out. The post you responded to (>>1827)

contended that the marooning of various peoples and territories in their development by imperialism/globalism proves that national, provincial and local economic bases are more potent than their transnational rivals. Yet I responded in >>1827 that we see the same thing in the histories of industrialized countries; heck, even to this day. Look no further than West Virginia, the Rust Belt cities or the Deep South.

I stopped responding back in January when I saw this because it was far beneath you to shrug off my points with an appeal to the "obvious". Map it out.

But hey, let's consult the words of the K.M. himself. I quote selectively from the final two paragraphs of Das Kapital, Chapter 32:

>''What is now to be expropriated is not the self-employed worker, but the capitalist who exploits a large number of workers. This expropriation is accomplished through the action of the immanent laws capitalist production istelf, through the centralization of capitals. One capitalist always strikes down many others. Hand in hand with this centralization, or this expropriation of many capitalists by a few, other developments take place on an ever-increasing scale, such as the growth of the cooperative form of the labour process [...] the trans formation of the means of labour into forms in which they can only be used in common, the economizing of all means of production by their use as the means of production of combined, socialized labour, the entanglement of all peoples in the net of the world market, and, with this, the growth of the international character of the capitalist regime.

>Along with the constant decrease in the number of capitalist magnates [...] the mass of misery, oppression, slavery, degradation and exploitation grows; but with this there also grows the revolt of the working class, a class constantly increasing in numbers, and trained, united and organized by the very mechanism of the capitalist process of production.

Without imperialism and globalism, there is are no "workers of the world" to unite. There are rather "workers of worlds", and the multiplicity of nationally confined capitalist magnates stands in obstruction to the future socialist world order.


 No.2845

File: 1440174335222.jpg (59.89 KB, 854x510, 427:255, stalin crimea.jpg)

>>2835

You are talking about the falling rate of profit, which is an inherent tendency of capitalism. It's not something that comes about when the entire world is as industrially developed as the USA, UK, France and any other imperialist powers.

At this point I don't really understand your argument. Capitalism has fulfilled its historic mission. Every country on earth is capitalist, and any feudal holdouts that still exist are producing for capitalist markets.

Due to the nature of the capitalist system and its highest stage (imperialism), the struggle of indigenous peoples, the anti-imperialist struggle in the third world in general, and the struggle of workers both in those areas and in industrialized countries are all connected. An indigenous activist who thinks that his people can "escape" capitalism is wrong, the same way a hippie who thinks he can "walk out" of capitalism by starting his own commune is wrong, but the solution is to struggle for socialism, not to wait for capitalism to spend the next 300-500 years maybe raising a place like Chiapas to the same level of development as Paris or whatever it is you're trying to argue.


 No.2848

File: 1440199251622.jpg (62.46 KB, 500x378, 250:189, 0_8b758_635bed82_L.jpg)

>>2845

Yet the falling rate of profit is an inherent tendency only because of the replacement of human labor with machine capital. To research, develop and deploy ever more sophisticated machine capital is dependent on an ever more concentrated supply of financial capital. And this is achieved by the expansion and centralization of the productive enterprises. So the question is whether we can realistically expect machine capital to have been fielded in all the necessary qualities and quantities (as to extinguish the profit margin) at any point prior to such global integration.

The world doesn't have to achieve the same standards of living across the board; there merely needs to be a truly global proletariat. A "feudal holdout producing for capitalist markets" is just that, and not capitalist. So long as labor is connected to transnational capital via a feudal intermediary, that feudal intermediary organizes in a feudal fashion (even if for capitalist designs) and has thus not provided the thesis for which the proletariat are the antithesis.

>the transformation of the means of labour into forms in which they can only be used in common, the economizing of all means of production by their use as the means of production of combined, socialized labour, the entanglement of all peoples in the net of the world market, and, with this, the growth of the international character of the capitalist regime.

> a class constantly increasing in numbers, and trained, united and organized by the very mechanism of the capitalist process of production.

The anti-imperialist struggle in the Third World is not simply "socialist activism, just in the tropics". It has been, since the days of Lenin, about happily supporting national bourgeoisie against transnational bourgeoisie. That is not a workers' movement; socialism comes from a global proletariat, and a global proletariat is born out of daily participation in a mode of production embodying the class character of a global bourgeoisie.

Anti-imperialism denotes that there is more going on than (ostensibly) socialist activism, that something other than the locally occurring aspirations of a global proletariat are being represented. It is trying to inaugurate a historical epoch which it has not reached; since revolutions modify superstructures to accord with the already existing reality of the base, such a struggle is simply an attempt at time travel.

The EZLN fighting for socialism in the Chiapas is no less anachronistic than contemporary French noblemen fighting to restore the manorial system. Sorry to say, but if the day comes that the Mexican government and transnational interests strive to wipe out those little beaner communes, the South African mercenary gunning down women and children would be doing more for our cause than the well-read college student defending her fellow exploitees.


 No.2849

>>2848

That's the popular front structure which is used to take advantage of the contradiction between the national bourgeoisie and the comprador and other classes. This can be used as the basis for socialist construction as seen in the USSR and Albania.

You're basically saying socialist construction and actually existing socialism never happened.


 No.2856

File: 1440313125038.jpg (25.34 KB, 284x386, 142:193, Stalin Espana.jpg)

>>2848

The idea that so long as pre-capitalist societies exist in the world one cannot speak of a "truly global proletariat" is silly. Marx and Engels wrote of the potential for proletarian revolution in the 19th century when even imperialist countries such as France had substantial peasant populations.

A global proletariat already exists, which is able to lead the peasantry of each country in overcoming feudalism, bypassing the development of capitalism and constructing socialism. This was the historical experience of the USSR in regards to regions within it where feudal or even pre-feudal relations existed.

The anti-imperialist struggle can only be completed when it is led by the working-class. When it is led by the national bourgeoisie it eventually reaches a stage when the latter compromises with and capitulates to imperialism, which in turn means the continued underdevelopment of the country.

Once again you are talking about the historically progressive nature of capitalism and confusing it with capitalism as it exists today. You talk about a global proletariat but for whatever reason you can't actually envision a socialist revolution in a place like Mexico both incorporating the desires of indigenous farmers to avoid peculiar national and economic exploitation and at the same time serving the socialist cause in nearby countries either materially or morally.

You seem to be proposing that capitalism is still, basically, a progressive system. Such a view is no more valid now than it was when the Mensheviks and other opportunists in the Second International used it to justify a policy of supporting the bourgeoisie in Russia and "socialist colonialism" in the other imperialist countries.




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